Meeting thousands of children from Jesuit schools across Italy and Albania, Francis held a question-and-answer session in which one girl, Teresa, asked him if he had wanted to become the leader of the world's 1.2 billion Catholics.

"Anyone who wants to be pope doesn't care much for themselves, God doesn't bless them. I didn't want to be pope," he said.

Another girl, Caterina, asked why he had refused to move into the sumptuous papal apartments, choosing to live instead in a simple hotel-like Vatican residence.

"It's not just a question of riches but also a personality issue. I need to live among people and if I lived on my own, perhaps a little isolated, it wouldn't do me good," he said, adding that he had made the decision for "psychiatric reasons".

The former Cardinal Jorge Bergoglio of Argentina, who has set a humble tone for the papacy since his elevation in March, also said it was important to lead a simpler life, given the extent of poverty and suffering in the world.

"These days there is a lot of poverty in the world and that's a scandal when we have so many riches and resources to give to everyone," he said. "We all have to think about how we can become a little poorer."

Earlier this week, Francis denounced what he called a "culture of waste" in an increasingly consumerist world and said throwing away good food was like stealing from poor people.

In another departure from papal tradition, Francis said on Thursday he would not spend his summer in the lavish hilltop palace at Castel Gandolfo that has been host to popes for centuries but would stay in the Vatican.

(Reporting By Catherine Hornby, editing by Gareth Jones)

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The leak of a document showing the Obama administration asked for millions of phone records has turned a spotlight anew on a secretive U.S. federal court set up 35 years ago to curb intelligence abuses.

Made up of 11 judges who serve staggered seven-year terms, it is called the U.S. Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court. The judges' identities are known, along with the name of the person who appoints them: the chief justice, now John Roberts.

In a departure from other courts, all of its rulings are secret and there is no adversarial system. Instead, government lawyers make a request and the judge either approves or rejects it. No other parties are present. The court approves nearly all requests, according to Justice Department data.

In an annual report to Congress that is publicly available, the department said that in 2012 the government made 212 applications for access to business records, which is the same kind of request as that made of Verizon Communications Inc in the present case.

The court denied none of the applications but amended 200 of them, the report said.

The court also oversees applications for electronic surveillance and physical searches. There were 1,856 such applications in 2012, when all were approved except for one, which the government withdrew before the court could rule.

Congress enacted the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act setting up the court in 1978 amid concerns about the lack of legal oversight over the intelligence community's activities.

Activity by the U.S. intelligence community uncovered by congressional investigations included illegal mail-opening programs and the targeting of domestic protesters and political opponents by the Nixon administration.

Now, critics say, the court set up to curb misconduct is rubber-stamping drastically expanded intelligence gathering efforts started after the September 11, 2001, attacks that prompt similar concerns about infringements on civil liberties.

Government authority to obtain records was expanded further by the 2001 USA Patriot Act, which Congress passed with overwhelming bipartisan support in the immediate aftermath of the attacks.

'ANY TANGIBLE THINGS'

The government cited Section 215 of the Patriot Act in making its request in the Verizon case. This section allows the government to ask the court for "any tangible things" as part of any authorized investigation related to terrorism or intelligence activities.

As the Justice Department wrote in an October 2011 letter to members of Congress, the government must show, among other things, that the information sought is "relevant to an authorized national security investigation."

At least one president has tried to sidestep the court.

President George W. Bush's administration chose not to ask the court to approve wiretapping of calls between suspected terrorists until 2007, news accounts of the program's existence prompted controversy. This incident led to increased concerns among civil liberties advocates that the government effectively had a green light to invade the privacy of Americans.

Among the few who know how the secret court acts are members of Congress. The Obama administration has been keen to highlight how access to orders and opinions issued by the secret court is provided to members of both parties on the intelligence committees in both houses of Congress and on the Senate Judiciary Committee.

The court is comprised of sitting federal judges, appointed for life, who take on the additional responsibility for the seven years of the surveillance court term. The judges are all over the country, although several are in the Washington area.

It is not clear exactly how the chief justice chooses the judges who serve on the court. Some of the judges have a national security background while others do not, according to a source familiar with the court. Further information on how Chief Justice Roberts appoints judges was not immediately available from a U.S. Supreme Court spokeswoman.

WASHINGTON PRESENCE

The court has a physical presence in the U.S. District Court in Washington. The current presiding judge is Reggie Walton, a U.S. district judge in Washington who was appointed by Bush.

The vast majority of judges now on the court are Republican appointees.

The judge who approved the Verizon order, Roger Vinson, is a senior federal district judge in Florida. His term ended at the beginning of May. Vinson, a U.S. Navy veteran, was appointed to the bench by Republican President Ronald Reagan in 1983.

The intelligence court's workload increased after the September 11 attacks. Between 1978 and 2001, it received 46 emergency requests. In the year after September 11, there were 113, according to a legal textbook on national security by legal experts J. Douglas Wilson and David Kris, who was head of the Justice Department's national security division from 2009 to 2011.

A former member, U.S. District Judge Royce Lamberth of the District of Columbia, described his experience serving in a 2002 speech in which he denied that the court was a rubber stamp.

"I ask questions. I get into the nitty gritty," he said. "I know exactly what is going to be done and why. And my questions are answered, in every case, before I approve an application."

(Reporting by Lawrence Hurley; Editing by Howard Goller and Philip Barbara)

RANCHO MIRAGE, California (Reuters) - President Barack Obama will complain to Chinese President Xi Jinping at a summit on Friday about suspected Chinese cyber hacking of U.S. secrets, even as the White House faces growing questions at home over American government surveillance.

Meeting at the luxurious Sunnylands estate near Palm Springs in California, Obama will seek Xi's assurance that he takes seriously accusations of growing Chinese cyber spying, including snooping on advanced U.S. weapons designs.

"All nations need to abide by international norms and affirm clear rules of the road," a senior U.S. official told reporters. "That's the backdrop to the discussions that the two presidents will have."

Dispute over cybersecurity could test the two leaders' ability to get along when they meet in the California desert in talks that are billed as an informal get-to-know-you encounter.

Obama, who arrived at the sun-baked summit venue on Friday afternoon and will welcome his Chinese counterpart later in the day, intends to tell Xi that Washington considers Beijing responsible for any cyberattacks originating from its territory and that it must take action, U.S. officials said.

But in his first meeting with Obama since taking over China's presidency in March, Xi may not be in a conciliatory mood.

He is expected to voice discomfort over Washington's strategic "pivot" toward Asia, a military rebalancing of U.S. forces toward the Pacific that Beijing sees as an effort to hamper its economic and political expansion. He also wants a new "big power" relationship that takes into account China's rise.

And Obama's protests about Chinese cyberspying might be blunted by news that the U.S. government has been quietly collecting the telephone records of millions of Americans as part of U.S. counter-terrorism efforts.

On the eve of the California summit, more questions were raised about the extent of U.S. government domestic spying when the Washington Post reported that the National Security Agency and the FBI are also tapping into the central servers of leading American Internet companies to examine emails and photos. But major tech companies said they do not provide any government agency with "direct access" to their servers.

Obama, visiting California's Silicon Valley earlier on Friday, staunchly defended the surveillance, calling it a "modest encroachment" on privacy that was necessary to protect the United States from terrorist attack.

Pushing back against years of U.S. allegations of Chinese hacking, Beijing insists it is more a victim than a perpetrator of cyber espionage. China's top Internet security official said this week that he has "mountains of data" pointing to U.S. hacking aimed at China.

But the U.S. Congress is losing patience, particularly after a report that Chinese hackers had gained access to design plans for U.S. weapons systems like the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter. China denied that, saying it needed no outside help for its military development.

The two leaders may try to deflect pressure at the summit for immediate progress on cyber disputes by promising more in-depth deliberations by a U.S.-China "working group" already set to convene in July for the first time.

'BIG POWER' RELATIONSHIP

High-level U.S.-Chinese encounters of recent decades have been unable to match President Richard Nixon's groundbreaking visit to Communist China in 1972 that ended decades of estrangement between Washington and Beijing.

U.S. officials believe Obama and Xi will develop personal rapport - something lacking between American presidents and Xi's notoriously stiff predecessor, Hu Jintao - that could help ease tensions between the world's top two economic powers.

Now almost five months into his second term, Obama talked about the meeting at a Democratic fundraiser on Thursday.

"The transformation that is taking place in China is extraordinary and never in the history of humanity have we seen so many people move out of poverty so rapidly in part because of what is happening in China and what's happening in India," he said. "And yet when you look at the challenges they face and the challenges we face I'll take our challenges any day of the week."

In an apparent concession before the summit, China granted passports to the mother and eldest brother of blind activist Chen Guangcheng, whom they hope to visit in the United States. Chen escaped house arrest last year and fled to the U.S. Embassy in Beijing.

Obama aides played down the chances of any big breakthroughs in more than five hours of talks with Xi over two days in Sunnylands, a 200-acre (81-hectare) desert estate that has hosted presidents such as Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton.

A willingness to forgo the traditional pomp and scripted discussions of a White House visit appears to signal a fresh approach by Xi, who as president-in-waiting met Obama in Washington in February 2012. He is a Communist Party "princeling," the son of a revolutionary leader. But he is also fond of Hollywood movie war dramas.

"He seems to be someone who is fast on his feet, who is open to engagement," another Obama aide said, drawing a contrast to Xi's more buttoned-down predecessors.

Despite the relative informality, the meetings are expected to be anything but laid back.

The leaders face longstanding differences on issues such as North Korea, China's territorial disputes with U.S. allies in Asian waters, trade problems and China's human rights record.

Obama will be looking to build on growing Chinese impatience with North Korea over its nuclear and missile programs, a shift that could bring Beijing - the closest thing Pyongyang has to an ally - closer to Washington's position.

Obama is likely to ask Xi to brief him on a visit to China last month by an envoy of North Korea's young leader, Kim Jong-un. Beijing's message to Pyongyang was to halt its internationally banned tests, although the North showed little sign of acquiescing, according to a source.

Shedding jacket and tie, Xi, 59, will have the kind of face time with his 51-year-old U.S. counterpart that few foreign leaders have been afforded.

The White House may have missed an opportunity for even deeper relationship-building.

Xi's glamorous wife, Peng Liyuan, a famous singer who has broken the mould of Chinese first ladies who have traditionally kept out of the limelight, is accompanying her husband. But popular American first lady Michelle Obama will remain in Washington as their two daughters finish the school year.

Near the gates of Sunnylands, about 100 protesters - including Vietnamese angered by China's muscular approach to territorial disputes in the South China Sea, Tibetan rights supporters and adherents to the banned Falun Gong spiritual group - braved withering heat to wave banners and signs.

(Additional reporting by John Ruwitch in Palm Springs and Ben Blanchard in Beijing; Writing by Matt Spetalnick; Editing by Alistair Bell, Doina Chiacu and Paul Simao)

BRUSSELS (Reuters) - Electronic publishing is allowing authors to be more creative and the best ones are successfully blending video and online content with traditional text, says cult writer Irvine Welsh.

The author of "Trainspotting" and "The Acid House", who has also written short stories and plays, said e-publishing meant writers had to work harder to grab readers' attention in an age when wireless devices are rapidly replacing paperback books.

Welsh, 54, said he struggled to combine marketing of his books with writing, but that a combination of the two was needed if writers were going to break into the e-book world while also writing for TV, movies and traditional readers.

"You can't just be into one thing, you have to be into TV adaptations, movie adaptations," Welsh, whose "Trainspotting" was turned into a hit movie by director Danny Boyle, told Reuters at a conference in Brussels on digital media trends.

"It will come out in book format, it will be shot and come out in film format, and at the same time it will come out in series format. And that will happen instantaneously."

The Scotsman, who burst onto the literary scene when "Trainspotting" was published in his mid-30s, heaped praise on fellow Scot Ewan Morrison, who has wooed the book world by including web links to short films as part of his novel "Tales from the Mall", which examines the seedy allure of capitalism.

Morrison had established an innovative niche between a book and a game, said Welsh, predicting that such a multimedia style would become common practice for tomorrow's e-book producers.

E-book sales have grown rapidly in recent years with the popularity of tablets and e-readers. Industry group BookStats reported that sales were up 44 percent in the United States during 2012, rising to a little over $3 billion.

Sales of regular books remain far larger and have also climbed, although far more slowly, gaining around 7 percent to $15 billion, thanks in large part to blockbusters such as "Fifty Shades of Grey", a book first published online.

CREATIVITY FIRST

In his latest novel, which is not yet named, Welsh explores the relationship between two women living in Miami, a personal trainer and an artist, who are obsessed with each other. The book is due out in April next year and a screenplay, currently under discussion, may follow in November.

"It's a very self-centered narcissistic process. That is why it runs the risk of being crap," said Welsh, acknowledging that a focus on female characters was a departure from his favored gritty, drug-addicted male protagonists.

"You can't really put strong women characters into that world because any strong woman would go nowhere near these guys," he said by way of explanation.

While Welsh is an advocate of digital publishing, his own works are more difficult to translate into e-book form as he frequently plays with font sizes and other techniques which digital readers cannot easily capture.

Whether traditional publishing or e-publishing is the way forward, one thing authors should rigidly adhere to is creative license, Welsh said. Some books start online, others are published traditionally. The only winning ingredient is originality and creativity.

"The success of self-publishing shows that publishers and agents and editors don't always know (what works)," he said.

(Reporting By Claire Davenport; editing by Luke Baker)

I had trekked out to isolated Neuquen province looking for Maria Estela Martinez de Peron, the constitutionally elected leader that Videla and his military cohorts had just toppled. Working for The Associated Press, I wanted to talk to her, her captors or anyone else to get the story.

As it turns out, I could have been one of the military junta's first victims that sunny afternoon.

The waters of the giant Nahuel Huapi lake, protected by the Andean mountain range, were rough and troubled, as I walked along its shores toward El Messidor castle, where de Peron was rumored to be held.

I was literally on top of the world. The sunlight reflected off the eternal snows capping the towering peaks around me.

Then a gruff, martial voice brought me back to earth, piercing me like a frozen blade: "What are you doing here? Who are you?"

An enormous officer headed a patrol of about a dozen angry-looking soldiers, all dressed in olive green, approaching from the castle.

I responded uneasily, "I'm a journalist."

The officer's response was quick and menacing: "We don't want journalists or Peronists; give me your documents."

On one side were the soldiers, on the other the castle.

Just hours after the coup, an iron lid of silence had already clamped shut on the whereabouts and condition of de Peron, and I knew trying to find her would be risky. Even before the coup, people were being killed or going missing during the back-and-forth between the military and leftist militants.

I was the only reporter anywhere near that lake, and in that era before cellphones, my only defense was my pen and notepad.

About 9,000 people were ultimately killed or disappeared during Argentina's 1976-1983 dictatorship, according to an official accounting after democracy returned. Human rights activists believe the real number was as high as 30,000. The dead were not only those who had been involved in armed conflict, but journalists, dissidents, unionists and citizens caught in the crossfire.

My life during the dictatorship quickly became a surreal and dangerous search for the truth in a country convulsed by violence.

At one point, I had to tour all the public restrooms in central Buenos Aires because the Montoneros and People's Revolutionary Army urban guerrillas left their communiques behind toilets, mirrors or inside spouts or pipes. A spokesman for the guerrillas would call the office and let us know which bathroom they had written their missive in, and I'd rush there to check.

At the center of it all was the lanky, mustached Videla, whom many dubbed "Panther," because his gait resembled that of the "Pink Panther" in the popular movies and cartoons. With Videla's death Friday at age 87, many Argentines are remembering those dark days.

We watched the "panther," surrounded by his fellow junta leaders, jumping in celebration and shouting "goal!" at River Plate stadium as Argentina beat Holland during the 1978 World Cup final. To improve his image, Videla was portrayed as playing a role in helping Argentina win the title.

Less than a kilometer (about half a mile) away from the stadium was the Navy Mechanics' School, the largest clandestine detention and torture center during Argentina's "dirty war." Thousands of people were taken there, never to be seen again.

I passed the school every time I went to the stadium, which seemed so placid and well-maintained, at least from the outside. I never suspected what was going on inside.

Among the people who were killed or disappeared after entering its doors were French nuns Alice Domon and Leonie Duquet, Argentine journalist and writer Rodolfo Walsh and Azucena Villaflor, one of the founds of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo human rights group.

My AP colleague at the time, Oscar J. Serrat, was abducted for a day by soldiers and only released following intense lobbying.

I myself was targeted for sticking to the AP style of using the phrase "alleged guerrillas (or terrorists)" when writing about armed confrontations with soldiers. Videla didn't like the words "alleged" or "suspected." To him, they were guerrillas or terrorists, without qualifications.

I received unidentified threats, including once while I was at my mother's house. I later also learned that that my name had appeared along with those of other journalists considered undesirable in a book edited by the military regime.

All that horror, however, still awaited Argentina that afternoon by the lake and mountains.

My immediate challenge was getting by the soldiers, who were just launching their hunt for political enemies.

The officer had grown impatient with my repeated response to his questions, that I was a journalist and had traveled there to ask about the whereabouts of de Peron, the widow of leader Juan Domingo Peron.

"Weeeeell, weeeeell," said the officer, menacingly extending his words.

Then, in a slightly friendlier tone, he concluded: "I'm returning your documents and you can go."

But before I left, he shouted: "Go! Walk with your hands up, but don't look back. Do you understand me?"

He aimed his gun at me, which looked as big as a cannon.

I didn't walk, I didn't raise my hands, I didn't ask for mercy. I couldn't move for fear. I cursed my bad luck as my shoes sunk in the muck left by last night's rain or by floodwaters from the lake.

"I can kill you, throw you in the lake and no one would find you," he told me.

But then an expression that resembled a smile appeared on his face and he lowered his gun. He ordered me to take the next plane home and he walked away with his patrol.

I stayed two nights longer, though I kept away from the danger zone. I collected information and testimony that allowed me to confirm that de Peron was in the castle, an exclusive that was widely published.

I had survived my first days under Videla's brutal rule, but the nightmare had only just begun.

CARSON CITY, Nev. (AP) -- The leader of the Nevada Assembly introduced a proposal Wednesday that would revamp the state's live entertainment tax, extending fees on a range of activities and events from recreational golf to NASCAR races.

Speaker Marilyn Kirkpatrick, D-North Las Vegas, said early estimates show that her plan could generate about $50 million in sorely needed revenue for the state budget.

Her proposal, AB498, seeks to close loopholes in the current law and eliminate exemptions that Kirkpatrick says are unnecessary.

"The goal was to be able to lower the rate and broaden the base," Kirkpatrick told The Associated Press in an office interview after the introduction.

The proposal also would impose fees on ski lift tickets, movie tickets, gym memberships and the annual Burning Man festival.

In its current form, the live entertainment tax is two-tiered. Large venues pay 10 percent, smaller ones 5 percent. Kirkpatrick's bill sets an 8 percent tax rate for all venues.

Existing law also exempts events with audiences of fewer than 200 people. The bill would lower that threshold to 50.

Assembly Minority Leader Pat Hickey, R-Reno, said some aspects of the bill seemed reasonable, but others could pose a problem for Republicans. He stressed he had not reviewed the bill in detail and had not talked about it with his caucus.

"From what we know so far, there's certainly some good elements there removing exemptions, broadening the base, making it simpler," Hickey said. "It's not a regressive tax, because it does talk about dollars that are discretionary."

But Republicans, he said, "will have problems" imposing the tax on new activities such as going to the movies.

Kirkpatrick said 38 states have an admissions tax.Her bill is modeled after a similar law in Florida, which like Nevada relies heavily on a tourism economy and has no personal income tax.

Kirkpatrick and Democratic leaders in both the Assembly and Senate promised a top-to-bottom review of Nevada's tax structure early in the session.

For the speaker, the live entertainment tax was a prime target.

During a hearing in February, lawmakers were briefed on how convoluted and exemption-riddled the tax is, prompting Kirkpatrick to lament, "How hard is it just to get rid of all of them, and start over?"

Under existing law outdoor concerts are exempt, unless they are held on casino properties. Then the tax is calculated on attendance and sometimes food, beverage and merchandise sales.

But no tax was collected on the Electric Daisy Carnival that drew more than 100,000 people last year for three nights running at the Las Vegas Motor Speedway. It was exempt. So is Burning Man, the counter-culture, free expression festival held on the Black Rock Desert that draws more than 50,000. NASCAR races and sporting events also are exempt.

With 26 days left in the legislative session, the chances of passage are unclear. The Assembly Taxation Committee will hear the bill Tuesday. But Kirkpatrick said she's game to take on the cause.

"The policy is the right policy to do," she said. "The exemptions somebody's in, somebody's out how fair is that?"

Because it involves taxes, the bill requires a two-thirds vote in both the Assembly and Senate. Democrats would need to pick up support from one Republican in the lower house and three in the Senate.

The same vote-margin would be needed to override a veto by Republican Gov. Brian Sandoval, who opposes the bill.

"Is it a heavy lift for a meager $50 million? Probably," Kirkpatrick said. "But I'm up to the task.

"Do I think it's the right policy to do going forward? Absolutely."

Freddie Mac said Thursday that the average on the 30-year home loan increased to 3.95 percent from 3.91 percent. Last week's rate was the lowest average on records dating to the 1950s.

The average on the 15-year fixed mortgage rose to 3.24 percent. That's up from 3.21 percent, also a record low.

Rates have been below 5 percent for all but two weeks in 2011. Even so, this year is shaping up to be one of the worst ever for home sales.

Previously occupied homes are selling just slightly ahead of last year's dismal pace. And new-home sales appear headed for their worst year on records going back half a century.

Next year could be better. More than 5 percent of households said this month they plan to purchase a home within the next six months, according to the Conference Board.

Builders are also hopeful that the low rates could boost sales next year. Low mortgage rates were cited as a key reason the National Association of Home Builders survey of builder sentiment rose in December to its highest level in more than a year.

But so far, rates are having no major impact. Mortgage applications have fallen slightly in recent weeks, according to the Mortgage Bankers Association.

High unemployment and scant wage gains have made it harder for many people to qualify for loans. Many Americans don't want to sink money into a home that they fear could lose value over the next few years.

To calculate the average rates, Freddie Mac surveys lenders across the country Monday through Wednesday of each week. The average rates don't include extra fees, known as points, which most borrowers must pay to get the lowest rates. One point equals 1 percent of the loan amount.

The average fee for the 30-year loan was unchanged at 0.7; the average on the 15-year fixed mortgage was unchanged at 0.8.

For the five-year adjustable loan, the average rate rose to 2.88 percent from 2.85 percent. The average on the one-year adjustable loan ticked up to 2.78 percent from 2.77 percent.

The average fees on the five- and one-year adjustable-rate loans were unchanged at 0.6.

Two years after Beach was freed by a Lewistown Judge, a spokesman for the attorney general said he was taken into custody without incident Wednesday morning by the Yellowstone County Sheriff's Office.

Beach had spent part of his last hours of freedom eating breakfast at a diner with the mayor of Billings and other friends. Wearing a T-shirt that says "I didn't do it," he told The Associated Press it was unbelievable he could return to prison nearly two years after a Lewistown judge freed him.