The couple believes it's unlikely there ever will be a full answer explaining why a man gunned down 26 people inside the Newtown, Conn., school last year. But they feel more research into brain health and how a propensity for violence is manifested could help prevent future tragedies.

"When we started reaching out to scientists to talk about the underpinnings of violence and how this particular factor played a role in what happened to us, there is some, but no real, research going on this field," Hensel said.

On Monday, they announced a scientific advisory board for the Avielle Foundation, which was established with the goal of reducing violence. While some other victims' families have immersed themselves in the push for tighter gun restrictions, Avielle Richman's parents see the foundation named for their curly-haired daughter as their response to a tragedy that has launched advocacy work on many fronts, including school safety and mental illness.

The Dec. 14 massacre was carried out by 20-year-old Adam Lanza, who killed 20 first-graders and six educators inside the school with a military-style semi-automatic rifle before committing suicide. The isolated, socially awkward Lanza played first-person shooter video games in a weapon-filled house where he lived with his mother, according to search warrants released last month, but authorities have not described a possible motive or released details of any medical condition that might shed light on his actions.

Avielle, a girl who loved horses, Harry Potter and the color red, had moved to Connecticut with her family about two years before the shooting. Her father kept a blog called "Avielle's Adventures," telling friends about a trip to a Thanksgiving Day parade, her 6th birthday at a horse stable, a road trip to Iowa.

Jeremy Richman is a researcher at the pharmaceutical company Boehringer Ingelheim. Hensel, his wife, is a medical writer with her own company. The foundation is a way for them to harness their training and skills and to channel their grief.

"I think the best way to help from a tragedy such as this is by action where your strengths lie," Hensel said. "This is our motivation now. We will never stop being parents to Avielle."

The Avielle foundation, funded through donations and grants, aims to raise $5 million this year and begin reviewing its first grant applications later this year.

One member of the foundation's advisory board, Terrie E. Moffitt, said science on the origins of violence has been neglected by federal agencies that provide research grants.

"Families of individuals with autism, ADHD, learning problems or schizophrenia demand that funding agencies support research into these disorders," said Moffitt, a neuroscience professor at Duke University and at the Institute of Psychiatry, King's College London. "Families of violent individuals don't."

The other members of the board announced Monday are R. John Krystal, chair of the psychiatry department at the Yale University School of Medicine, and James Blair, chief of the unit on affective cognitive neuroscience at the National Institute of Mental Health.

The Avielle Foundation says it hopes to remove stigmas for people seeking mental health aid, develop the concept of a "brain health check-up," and identify behavioral and biochemical diagnostics for detection of people at risk of violent behaviors.

NEW YORK (Reuters Health) - There is not enough evidence to recommend for or against screening for oral cancer, a government-backed panel said today, due to a lack of data on possible benefits and harms tied to screening.

The most common causes of oral cancer are cigarette smoking and alcohol as well as the sexually-transmitted human papillomavirus, or HPV. The American Cancer Society estimates 36,000 people will be diagnosed with oral cancer in 2013 and close to 7,000 will die of the disease.

Evidence is lacking on whether screening can accurately detect oral cancer and if earlier treatment of cancers found during those tests improves long-term health, the U.S. Preventive Services Task Force (USPSTF) found.

"It's not that oral cancer screening has been shown to be ineffective or too risky or that it's been shown to be effective. The huge problem is a lack of studies," said Dr. Maura Gillison, who researches head and neck cancers at The Ohio State University in Columbus.

Researchers found just one study of the effect of oral cancer screening on deaths from cancer, an Indian trial that tracked 192,000 people over nine years. That study did not show screening saved lives overall, but a second look suggested smokers and alcohol drinkers benefited from the cancer checks.

Seven other studies that looked specifically at detection of oral cancer during screening found a wide range of accuracy rates in healthcare workers' positive and negative diagnoses. Those studies were largely conducted in places with more oral cancers than the U.S., such as India and Taiwan, the Task Force noted.

None of the trials estimated how many people suffer screening-related harms, such as from further tests and treatments tied to false-positives.

The new recommendations, currently in draft form, will be available for public comment through May 6 here: http://bit.ly/cy0SzP.

Gillison, who is not part of the USPSTF, said it's still a good idea for doctors and dentists to know the early signs of oral cancer, including red or white patches, ulcerations or a mass in the mouth or swelling of the lymph nodes.

Researchers "are trying to alert primary care providers to the signs of a cancer, so that there isn't a delay in appropriate diagnosis and treatment," Gillison said. "We are all in favor of increased knowledge, increased awareness."

"This is not a recommendation about what to do if you have a symptom," agreed Dr. Albert Siu, co-vice chair of the USPSTF from the Mount Sinai School of Medicine in New York.

"If you find something in your mouth, if you're concerned about something in your mouth, by all means bring it to the attention of your doctor or your dentist," he told Reuters Health.

For people without symptoms, he said, the lack of evidence one way or another makes screening an individual call.

"If you have risk factors - heavy smoking, heavy alcohol use - it's something to discuss with your doctor in terms of if it's worth looking in your mouth to check," Siu said. "I think that's something that would be reasonable."

SOURCE: http://bit.ly/cy0SzP U.S. Preventive Services Task Force, online April 8, 2013.

The leaders of the reform movement four years ago are now under house arrests and liberal groups have faced relentless pressures since major unrest to protest Ahmadinejad's disputed re-election in 2009. It appears unlikely that prominent pro-reform figures, such as former President Mohammad Khatami, will seek a spot on the June 14 ballot.

That leaves opposition and liberal groups the option of boycotting the election or falling behind one of the candidates cleared by the ruling clerics, who will vet all hopefuls who submit their names during the five-day registration period. Only a handful of candidates are expected to be approved when the final list is unveiled later this month by the Guardian Council, the group that supervises the election.

The slate is almost certainly to be heavily stacked with candidates considered loyal to Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who has been angered by challenges to his authority by Ahmadinejad and the president's allies. Among the presumed front-runners is senior Khamenei adviser Ali Akbar Velayati, Tehran Mayor Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf and former nuclear negotiator Hasan Rowhani, who formally registered his candidacy in the first hours as the process got underway Tuesday.

The ruling clerics seek an end to the internal political battles opened by Ahmadinejad and more coordination with the presidency in strategies on nuclear talks and efforts to confront international sanctions over Tehran's nuclear program. All key policies are made by the theocracy and its inner circle, including the powerful Revolutionary Guard. But the president is the international face of the country and is responsible for increasingly important sectors, such as the nation's stumbling economy.

Most of the main candidates have vowed to shun Ahmadinejad's bombastic style and seek to reduce tensions with the West and its allies. But all strongly support Iran's ability to maintain a full-scale nuclear program, including uranium enrichment. The U.S. and others fear Iran could eventually develop nuclear weapons, but Iran insists it only seeks reactors for energy and medical research.

Another major subplot in the election is the fate of Ahmadinejad's top political protege, Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei, who is expected to seek a spot on the ballot. Ahmadinejad has endorsed Mashaei as his personally groomed heir. But Mashaei's reputation has faced severe blows in the backlash over Ahmadinejad's failed attempts to encroach on the Khamenei's powers.

Mashaei has been denounced as part of a "deviant current" opposing Islamic rule and some critics even claimed he used magic spells to cloud Ahmadinejad's mind. It's possible Mashaei would be rejected for the ballot and force Ahmadinejad who still has considerable support around the country to align himself with another candidate.

In a live TV broadcast, Interior Minister Mostafa Mohammad Najjar urged presidential hopefuls to register quickly and not wait until the last moment. Leading candidates usually wait until the last days of the registration period, which ends Saturday evening.

Ahmadinejad is barred by law from seeking a third term due to term limits under Iran's constitution.

Some presidential hopefuls, mostly little known, rushed to register Tuesday morning. Among them were former housing minister Mohammad Saeedikia, former health minister Kamran Bagheri Lankarani and former Vice President Sadegh Vaezadeh.

Reformists in Iran remain in disarray after the relentless crackdowns in the wake of the 2009 protests over claims their victory was stolen by vote rigging. In recent weeks, controls and blocks on Internet traffic appeared to be boosted in possible attempts to limit opposition voices during the election period.

Opposition leaders Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mahdi Karroubi have been under house arrest since early 2011. Top figures such as Khatami and another former president, Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, are not expected to seek comeback bids.

The main liberal-leaning candidate considered by the Guardian Council could be former Vice President Mohammad Reza Aref, who served in Khatami's administration.

My wife is an out bisexual woman. You were correct that it is possible to be bisexual without having acted on it, as people are not defined solely by the partner they have. Precisely for that reason, some individuals feel that "bisexual" is who they are, and to omit it feels like living a lie.

The notion that stating one's bisexuality is "advertising that one is available" is why my wife chose to come out -- to combat this misconception. Just as straights can be attracted to people of the opposite sex besides their spouse, so might a coupled bisexual person be attracted to other individuals of both genders. Bisexuals, however, are no more likely to act on this attraction than anyone else.

"Bi" should just be herself and tell anyone who needs to know when she feels comfortable telling them. And you're right, Abby -- she should tell her husband first. But if her marriage is as strong and happy as she indicated, I'm pretty sure he already knows. I know I did. -- JON IN NORTH CAROLINA

DEAR JON: Thank you for writing. The comments I received about that letter were passionate and informed:

DEAR ABBY: Bisexual women and men who begin identifying and clarifying their sexual identities in the context of committed relationships need spaces where they can sort through their understandings of themselves.

A support group that is either counselor- or peer-led, in-person or online, can be an important resource to help "Bi in the Deep South" recognize that others have also experienced what she is going through and she can learn from them. She will see there is a place of support and encouragement where it's OK to talk about what bisexuality means for her. Being part of such a group can be particularly liberating. -- LICENSED COUNSELOR, AUSTIN, TEXAS

DEAR ABBY: If "Bi in the Deep South" is comfortable enough with who she is to tell someone, she should not be advised to stay in the closet to any degree. She has the right to be honest with herself and her family and not go through life hiding.

As for posting one's sexual orientation on social media profiles, doing so does not change your relationship status. You can be both "in a committed relationship" and "bisexual." They are not mutually exclusive. -- BI IN THE PACIFIC NORTHWEST

DEAR ABBY: There is real power in coming out, in voicing your authentic self. There is an emotional cost to remaining silent. Many who do so feel like they are allowing others to assume things about them that are just not true.

I speak from personal experience. I was silent for five years, and the day I started talking about the fact that I am bisexual, I felt as though a huge weight had been lifted off me.

I hope "Bi in the Deep South" will find the courage to come out and fly her rainbow colors. Although she may have to correct some people's misconceptions of what it means to identify as bisexual, she will feel much better. -- ROBYN IN MASSACHUSETTS

Dear Abby is written by Abigail Van Buren, also known as Jeanne Phillips, and was founded by her mother, Pauline Phillips. Write Dear Abby ator P.O. Box 69440, Los Angeles, CA 90069.

Abby shares more than 100 of her favorite recipes in two booklets: "Abby's Favorite Recipes" and "More Favorite Recipes by Dear Abby." Send your name and mailing address, plus check or money order for $14 (U.S. funds) to: Dear Abby, Cookbooklet Set, P.O. Box 447, Mount Morris, IL 61054-0447. (Shipping and handling are included in the price.)

But revelations that a string of unsolved killings may have been a cold-blooded neo-Nazi campaign against ethnic Turks have shaken the nation, forcing Germans to confront painful truths about racism and the broader treatment of immigrants in society.

The sole survivor of the group blamed for the killings the self-styled National Socialist Underground goes on trial Monday in Munich, along with four men alleged to have helped the killers in various ways.

Beate Zschaepe, 38, is charged with complicity in the murder of eight Turks, a Greek and a policewoman. She is also accused of involvement in at least two bombings and 15 bank robberies carried out by her accomplices Uwe Mundlos and Uwe Boenhardt, who died in an apparent murder-suicide two years ago.

Zschaepe, who surrendered to police four days after Mundlos and Boenhardt were killed, denies the charges. If convicted she faces life imprisonment.

The case is being closely watched by Germany's 3 million ethnic Turks, many of whom still feel marginalized by German society despite having lived in this country for decades or even having been born here.

"There have been only a handful of trials in recent German history that have had a similar importance," said Gurcan Daimaguler, a Berlin lawyer of Turkish origin who represents some of the victims' families.

He cited the post-war trial of Nazi leaders before the Nuremberg Tribunal; the court cases against members of the far-left Red Army Faction terror group starting in the 1970s; and the trials of East German border guards and senior officials who ordered the shooting of people trying to flee to West Germany during the Cold War division of the country.

"These were all trials that went beyond the courtroom," Daimaguler told The Associated Press in a recent interview. He noted that each of them prompted periods of soul searching that in some cases continue until today.

It was only when Mundlos and Boenhardt died following a botched bank robbery in November 2011 and weapons were found at the scene tying them to the killings that authorities acknowledged they had failed to stop what amounted to a far-right terror campaign lasting more than a decade.

Public debate has focused on how Germany's well-funded security services could have been so catastrophically wrong with their long-held theory that the killings were the work of immigrant criminal gangs.

Several high-ranking security officials including the head of Germany's domestic spy service have already resigned over blunders made during their watch. These ranged from failing to act on intelligence about the trio's whereabouts in 1998, shortly after they avoided arrest on lesser crimes; shredding evidence gathered by informants close to the group; and ignoring a racist motive in the crimes despite the fact that random killings without claims of responsibility fit the pattern recommended by racist supremacists such as the notorious "Blood and Honor" network for decades.

For years the media described the killings as "Doener Murders" after the popular Turkish dish of spit-roast meat served in snack bars across Germany. Yet only two of the nine men killed worked in doener restaurants, and many Turks say the phrase reflected the dismissive attitude mainstream society had toward the victims.

The police failures prompted Parliament to establish an independent panel investigating whether there was institutional reluctance to deal with far-right extremists.

Its chairman Sebastian Edathy has said that not only did Germany's 36 security services fail to exchange information in the case, but that the potential for far-right violence was massively underestimated even as some officers instinctively blamed the victims.

An internal document drawn up in 2007 by police in the southern state of Baden-Wuerttemberg and obtained by The Associated Press asserted that the likely killer couldn't have come from Western Europe because "in our culture the killing of human beings is a grave taboo" a striking comment in a country that made genocide against Europe's Jews a matter of state policy in the last century.

Zschaepe, Mundlos and Boehnhardt met as teenagers in the eastern city of Jena amid an ideological vacuum following the 1989 collapse of the Socialist dictatorship in East Germany.

The region suffered economically during the early 1990s, with anti-immigrant sentiments voiced openly even by mainstream politicians, providing a fertile recruiting ground for far-right groups.

Thomas Grund, a social worker in Jena who knew the trio when they first showed up at his youth club twenty years ago, said Zschaepe showed no hint of political extremism until she befriended the two young men who would later become her lovers and co-conspirators.

Grund, who is best known by his nickname, Kaktus, says social workers warned throughout the 1990s that extremist groups were setting up base in small towns and villages in the region but authorities did little.

Sometimes, he says, it appeared as if officials were protecting the far right.

Such claims have been made by people across the political spectrum, skeptical that a group such as the National Socialist Underground managed for more than a decade to slip through Germany's sophisticated surveillance net for neo-Nazi activity.

At a memorial event last year German Chancellor Angela Merkel apologized to the victims and their families for the wrongful suspicions many had had to endure for years.

She also pledged to take all necessary steps to help those affected by the crimes, and prevent a repetition of the investigate failures in this case.

Merkel's apology was well received by many Turks at the time. But some noted she didn't spell out that most of the victims were targeted because they were different from mainstream society: Turkish, and Muslim.

"Here in Germany we are scared of using the word racism," said Daimaguler, the lawyer. "As long as we don't call it what it is we will never be able to solve the problem."

The authorities' reluctance to highlight the xenophobic motive also worries Barbara John, the official intermediary between the victims' families and the government.

She is currently campaigning to ensure memorial plaques to honor the victims highlight the racist nature of the crimes.

John, a longtime campaigner on immigration issues, said this would go some way toward giving the victims' families a sense that they are being taken seriously by the authorities.

"Germany society as such isn't racist, but there is a deep-rooted lack of trust toward the immigrant community," she said, noting that it was only recently the families started receiving financial compensation from the government.

German Foreign Minister Guido Westerwelle warned last month that the trial could shape the way his country is viewed abroad.

But the handling of the case and its outcome are likely to have a more immediate impact closer to home.

Murat, a Turkish immigrant working at a Berlin doener stall who didn't want to give his last name for fear of being targeted, said he hoped for a fair trial but didn't expect the full truth about the perpetrators and their helpers ever to emerge.

"I think they were ignored or maybe even tolerated by the authorities," he said.

"Yes, I was in the Mercedes F1 simulator in the past," the former Sauber and Renault driver told the autosport.com website while competing in the Azores round of the European Rally Championship at the weekend.

The Pole, fighting back from arm and hand injuries he sustained in a near-fatal rally crash more than two years ago, would not say how many times he drove it nor how many laps he did. Nor would he confirm whether he would be in the simulator again.

There was no official comment from Mercedes.

Kubica said last month that he would "pay all the money I have to be back in the cockpit of a Formula One car" and suggested that he could already handle certain circuits such as Barcelona.

Monaco, with its many twists and turns, would still be too much of a challenge however.

A race winner with Sauber in 2008, Kubica last drove in Formula One with Renault in 2010.

The 28-year-old did 114 laps of Spain's Valencia circuit in a DTM (German Touring Car championship) Mercedes in January but opted for a programme of world and European championship rallying over that series.

Grindhouse motion pictures include: Mahogany Sunrise, The Legend of Seven Toe Maggie, The Hole 2, The Boat Between Two Rivers, and most recently Bad Romance; starring Filipina actress Mercedes Cabral, voted 2008 Cannes International Film Festival Most Beautiful Actress, and a supporting cast of local and International co-stars.

Silver Visibility is a boutique media agency, specializing in digital marketing and public relations across a wide range of disciplines, industries and channels. "Silver Visibility serves its clients through four main divisions: product development, interactive services, performance marketing and public relations, with celebrity, political and sports marketing divisions to be added in the near future," notes Silver Visibility CMO Trent Silver.

"We are very excited about the opportunity to tap into the Southeast Asia showbiz industry. Some really great motion pictures come out of the Philippines, and I'm pleased to be part of the entertainment production, marketing and distribution of the films," says Trent Silver, CMO of Silver Visibility.

Digital marketing and public relations expert Trent Silver is the CMO of SilverVisibility.com, a boutique media agency. Trent Silver is available for interviews, media appearances and speaking opportunities about any aspect of digital marketing and public relations.

Trent SilverSilver Visibility813-494-0205

The 27-year-old has joined the Misako Gym stable in Tokyo, Japanese media reported on Friday. No details of his debut bout were disclosed.

Murata beat Brazilian Esquiva Falcao Florentino 14-13 with some shrewd inside fighting at the London Games to win Japan's first boxing gold since 1964. (Reporting by Patrick Johnston in Singapore; Editing by John O'Brien)