A nursing supervisor at UMPC Hamot in Erie said Douglas was in serious condition Sunday night.The investigating officer, Trooper Roger McCloskey, said he believes Douglas was at fault and will face some sort of charges."I have no idea yet, but the investigation is continuing," he said Sunday.Police said Douglas and Gary Beimel were wearing seatbelts, but at least three of the deceased were not.McKean County Coroner Michael Cahill said all six were declared dead at the scene of the wreck, and all died from blunt force trauma injuries. No autopsies were planned, and Cahill released the remains to funeral homes Sunday.Arrangements for the four occupants of Beimel's vehicle were being handled by Lynch-Green Funeral Home Inc. in St. Marys, the coroner said. A message left for Lynch-Green was not immediately returned.Police said both vehicles were severely damaged, and U.S. Route 219 was closed in both directions for more than six hours.More than 300 people attended a memorial service Sunday night for Jarrett and Olivia at the Kane Area Middle School football field, The Bradford Era reported. Olivia was a cheerleader for the Kane Tornadoes youth football team, and many students wearing football jerseys and cheerleader outfits from the Kane Tornadoes and the Kane Wolves football team attended the service.

It's big, beautiful and free, but a 217-acre former prep school campus in the hills of northern Massachusetts has also proved tough to give away.Last year, an extensive effort to donate the Northfield campus by the billionaire family that owned it collapsed when the recipient unexpectedly backed out.Its current owner, the National Christian Foundation, says it has narrowed its search down to five potential recipients as they consider suitors that aren't exclusively Christian, dropping a condition of the prior search.The top two or three candidates could be announced within a month and definitely will be by Christmas,クロエトートバッグ, said Aimee Minnich, president of the foundation's Heartland office in Kansas.Meanwhile, residents and business owners in the town of about 3,000 are ready to see new life at a campus that has been vacant for eight years, leaving a hole in the town's social and economic life. Joan Stoia, co-owner of The Centennial House bed and breakfast on Main Street, said residents have learned to be patient."Quick doesn't happen with this kind of decision, and that's what we're all learning," she said."What can we say?" she said. "We can't make it any faster than it is. (The campus is) not ours; we don't control it. So we're here to be helpful in any way possible."

The campus is the former home of the Northfield Mount Hermon school, which was founded by 19th-century evangelist D.L. Moody.The school moved out in 2005 to consolidate at another campus, but the property is still heavy with the aura of the exclusive New England prep school it once hosted. Its 43 buildings fill a rich, rolling stretch of the Connecticut River Valley with a stately mix of granite and brick.The campus' religious history lingers, as well. At Moody's hilltop grave, pilgrims meet to join hands and pray.The Green family, which founded and owns the Oklahoma-based Hobby Lobby craft store chain, bought the campus in 2009 intending to give it to a new college named after Christian apologist and writer C.S. Lewis.That venture stalled,クロエ バッグ 新作, and the Greens offered it for free to candidates with traditional Christian beliefs and a commitment to honoring Moody's legacy.Grand Canyon University, a for-profit Christian school in Phoenix, was announced as the recipient last fall and planned eventually to house 5,000 students there. But it backed out weeks later, citing tens of millions of dollars in unanticipated building and infrastructure costs.In December, the Greens gave the campus, and the job of finding a qualified owner, to the National Christian Foundation. The foundation had handled donated property from the Greens before.

The foundation's main work is to help business owners fund charitable work worldwide, and Minnich said its contacts with businesses and nonprofits enabled it to cast a broad net for potential suitors. It tells each candidate that faith-based groups will be preferred, but it isn't excluding secular groups."Secular organizations would be fine, but nothing opposed to what we stand for as an organization," Minnich said. "I can't think of very many things that we would not consider."Minnich won't yet identify the remaining candidates or be specific about their plans. In general, she said, they include established and startup colleges,2013クロエ 財布, and collaborations that could combine various enterprises on campus, such as a museum or a retirement home.One of first things the foundation vets is whether candidates know free campuses can be expensive to run, to avoid any sticker shock."People who are scared away by the size and scope of the campus are probably not going to be great candidates," Minnich said.There has been considerable surprise from candidates who take a tour that the "free" in free campus doesn't actually mean "run-down," Minnich said. "People have been pleasantly surprised by what's here."Northfield resident Alexander Stewart said the National Christian Foundation has impressed townspeople with its commitment to getting things right. The future of the campus is critical for Northfield, he said, but he added that he's confident whatever finally comes will be good for the area."It's a quiet town, waiting with considerable hope and not with a great deal of anxiety,クロエ 公式販売店," Stewart said.

House Republicans have rejected the Senate approach, promising to proceed instead with narrowly focused bills, starting with border security. No action is expected on the House floor until late autumn, at earliest, because of pressing fiscal deadlines that must be dealt with first.The timing crunch, along with the significant policy and process disagreements, has left some supporters pessimistic about the future of immigration legislation. They find hope, however, in some recent comments from House Republicans suggesting they could support a solution that ends in citizenship at least for some who now lack legal status."There should be a pathway to citizenship — not a special pathway and not no pathway," Rep. Jason Chaffetz told ABC 4 Utah after speaking at a recent town hall meeting in his district. "But there has to be a legal, lawful way to go through this process that works,クロエトートバッグ, and right now it doesn't."It's far from clear, however, what a path to citizenship that's not a special path to citizenship might look like, or how many people it might help.The phrase means different things to different people, and a large number of House Republicans oppose any approach that results in citizenship for people now are in the country illegally. Some lawmakers say such immigrants should be permitted to attain legal worker status, but stop there and never progress to citizenship. That's a solution Democrats reject.

Nonetheless, advocates searching for a way ahead on one of President Barack Obama's second-term priorities see in the "no special path to citizenship" formulation the potential for compromise."I think there's a lot of space there," said Clarissa Martinez, director of civic engagement and immigration at the National Council of La Raza. "And that's why I'm optimistic that once they start grappling more with details, that's when things start getting more real."Democrats,クロエ バッグ 新作, some Republicans and most outside immigration advocates are pushing for a relatively straightforward path to citizenship like the one in the Senate.It imposes certain restrictions, seeks payment of fees, fines and taxes,クロエ 財布 新作, and requires that prospective immigrants attempting the process legally are dealt with first. Once those criteria are met,2013クロエ 財布, most people here illegally could get permanent resident green cards in 10 years, and citizenship in three more. Agriculture workers and immigrants brought to this country as children would have a quicker path.

That approach is rejected by most House Republicans as a "special" path to citizenship."It's not a bill I can support," House Judiciary Committee Chairman Bob Goodlattesaid at a Virginia town hall meeting recently. "We think a legal status in the United States, but not a special pathway to citizenship, might be appropriate."Goodlatte has said that after attaining legal status, immigrants could potentially use the existing avenues toward naturalization, such as family or employment ties.He and others also argue that many immigrants would be satisfied with legalization alone, without getting citizenship. That's something many advocates dispute, though studies show that a significant number of immigrants who are eligible for citizenship haven't taken that step — about 40 percent in a Pew Hispanic Center study in February.Goodlatte has not provided much detail on how he foresees immigrants moving through existing channels from legalization to citizenship. Depending on its design, such an approach could touch anywhere from hundreds of thousands to many millions of the 11 million people here illegally. So if House Republicans end up taking that approach, how they craft it would help determine whether Democrats and the advocacy groups could go along.

On the second day of an excavation project, University of South Florida researchers worked Sunday on two graves at a former reform school in the Florida Panhandle where students say they were abused decades ago.The researchers continued the slow, painstaking process of unearthing remains in the hopes of identifying those buried at the now-closed Arthur G. Dozier School in the Panhandle. The digging and work will go on through Tuesday."We are making really good progress," Erin Kimmerle, the USF anthropologist leading the excavation, said Sunday. Preservation of the remains in the first coffin were good, she said. Cranial and teeth fragments were found, along with coffin hardware such as nails and handles.A second coffin found deeper underground will be opened later Sunday, Kimmerle said.The remains of about 50 people are in the graves, she said. Some are marked with a plain, white steel cross, and others have no markings."Some are very decorative, which can help come up with a date," she said.Researchers also hope to learn how the boys died at the school, which opened in 1900 and shut down two years ago for budgetary reasons.

Former inmates at the reform school have detailed horrific beatings at the facility. A group of survivors who call themselves the "White House Boys" called for an investigation into the graves five years ago. In 2010, the Florida Department of Law Enforcement ended an investigation and said it could not substantiate or refute claims that boys died at the hands of staff.USF later began its own research and discovered more graves. The school worked for months to secure a permit to exhume the remains, finally receiving permission from Gov. Rick Scott and the state Cabinet after being rejected by Secretary of State Ken Detzner, who reports to Scott.Researchers plan to return to the site after the holiday weekend. The remains will be taken to Tampa to be studied. DNA obtained will be sent for analysis to be matched to relatives. Ten families have contacted researchers in hopes of identifying relatives that might be buried at Dozier.If matches are found, remains will be returned to the families.Kimmerle said researchers were working on wet ground from recent rains, which is setting them back in their exaction. More rain was expected before Tuesday."We are a little concerned with that," she said. "If it's raining hard, you really can't work and you would have to divert your energy to getting water out."

While schools were rewriting their rules, no fewer than 32 state governments were also reviewing their statutes, with at least 18 of those adopting new laws, most of them adding university employees and volunteers to the list of those required to report child sex abuse.In November 2011, Sandusky, the former Penn State assistant coach, was arrested on 40 child sexual abuse counts. Additional counts were included in December, and some were dropped at the start of his trial. In the end, he was convicted on 45 of those counts and is serving a prison term of 30 to 60 years. Within days of his arrest,クロエ 公式販売店, coach Joe Paterno was fired and the school president, Graham Spanier, was forced out.A July 2012 report authored by Freeh detailed the flaws at Penn State and offered recommendations for change at the university. Penn State established a "Progress" website detailing the multiple changes it is making in response to the scandal and the report.But Penn State was hardly the only school that performed an unflinching review of its policies.

The AP canvassed the 69 schools in the BCS conferences in 2012, along with Notre Dame, and found that, in addition to the 55 that said they reviewed or changed their rules in response to the Sandusky case, another 12 had recently done that work in response to a push from the U.S. Department of Education, or because of incidents that occurred on their own campuses or laws passed in their states."We didn't want to be in a position where we could say it couldn't happen here," said Mark Land, spokesman at Indiana University, one of the universities that reviewed and beefed up its policies. "Penn State is a great university and does great things, and it happened there, so we felt like if we didn't learn something from Penn State,クロエバッグ 人気, that was on us."Two schools, Oklahoma and South Carolina, reported no action: South Carolina sent AP a copy of its sexual-harassment policy, last revised in 2010; Oklahoma said its policies are under constant scrutiny, though events elsewhere don't trigger changes.Not that rules can prevent everything. Before the scandal at Penn State,2013クロエ 財布, the university had a long list of rules on the books that were in line with what existed at other schools. Despite that, the Freeh Report noted that 234 of 735 coaches paid to work at summer sports camps in 2009 didn't have their required background checks completed before their camp began.

David Finkelhor of the University of New Hampshire's Crimes Against Children Research Center said anecdotes like that help explain why new policies and laws are important, but maybe not as important as the light shed on the issue of child sex abuse because of the Sandusky case."I don't think the problem at Penn State was that they didn't have enough rules, or that they didn't have a mandatory law that required this reporting," Finkelhor said. "I think the problem was that they didn't have a higher level of awareness about the problem itself and they thought they could kind of get away with the way they were handling it."In searching the states, AP reporters across the country checked databases from the last two years of legislation. The AP also referred to the National Conference of State Legislatures, which has tracked Sandusky-related bills.In Florida,クロエ バッグ 新作, the Legislature passed what many are calling the most expansive reporting law in the country. It includes fines of up to $1 million on any university whose administration or campus police knowingly fail to report child abuse on campus. Several campuses around the state reacted, as well."As an institution, we had very sound policies in place," Miami athletic director Blake James said. "I think it was obviously a real reminder to everyone of the need to make sure that all policies are being followed, and in certain cases there was the elevation of analysis that was put in place."

The overwhelming number of schools and states that made changes in a relatively short amount of time runs counter to the normally slow-moving wheels of state governments and university boardrooms. The action reflects what Mark Chaffin, who directs research at the Center on Child Abuse and Neglect at University of Oklahoma, said was a much-needed continuation of moves to protect children that have been triggered by sex scandals at child-serving organizations, including the Catholic church and the Boy Scouts."Given everything that's been in the news, it's not too surprising that universities would start to put out some policies and do some education," Chaffin said.When the universities did their reviews, some administrators were surprised at the number of minors who come to their campuses for a variety of programs that extend well beyond football camps.At Minnesota, for instance, up to 300,000 minors visit campus — 114,000 of them for 4H club events. A 10-year review of campus crime statistics there revealed four cases involving minors. One of those cases resulted in charges in 2000 when the victim came forward."We thought this was a pretty safe place," university general counsel Bill Donohue said.

Nevertheless, the school beefed up its policy and added language that specifically applied to the safety of minors on campus.In Texas, state legislators passed guidelines in 2011 — before the Sandusky case made headlines — for minors attending camps. The law applied to camps with at least 20 campers who spend four days on campus."That's a big loophole," Texas Tech athletic department spokesman Blayne Beal said. "We wanted more stringent than that."So, in May, the school passed a tougher rule putting the guidelines in place for any program that brings minors in, regardless of the number of children or duration of their stay."I think everybody took a look at themselves and what they were doing, what they weren't doing, to make sure that the policies they had in place were the best for young people and were best to protect the institution," Beal said.In addition to bringing in Freeh, who has a child enrolled at the Los Angeles school, USC also hired an outside consultant who helped put in place an awareness campaign for people on facilities staff and janitors — the so-called "first eyes" — who might be the first to witness a crime involving children.At Auburn, and a handful of other schools, the review found departments across campus had several rules on the books but had never consolidated them in one place."Unfortunately, at times, it takes a shocking event happening somewhere else to make you aware that you may have some deficiencies that need looking into yourself," said Chris O'Gwynn, who heads Auburn's risk management and safety department. "Penn State did cause us to want to look at that and do something from a generalized campus approach."

For the first time in its history, Luminant has sued some of the heirs, asking a court to equitably divide the land or force a settlement.And some of the Finleys are gearing up for a fight."I don't want to sell my family's land. If I were to sell it, they would have to offer me a huge amount of money," said Kay Moore, a Fairfield, Calif., woman who says Luminant offered her $3,000 for her piece of property, which the company says is 1/20 of the remainder."It belongs to me, and I'm not willing to part with that," she added, recalling horseback riding trips and meals at Aunt Ida's.The company has acknowledged the family's emotional ties to the land and said in a statement that it "strived for consistency from owner to owner to maintain our credibility. Most people found our offers to be more than fair."In many ways, the family's story is about a way of life that disappeared long ago and a town 150 miles east of Dallas that has vanished into modernity.Brushing the wispy white hairs from Ida Finley's forehead is her granddaughter, Jacquelin Finley — a force behind the battle against Luminant and for preserving something from those long-gone days.

Still living on the property in a decaying trailer with patched siding, Jacquelin remembers Dirgin before Luminant's predecessor built the nearby reservoir.This is where Ida Finley, known to her family simply as Big Momma, raised her children and grandchildren and buried her husband.In the early 1800s, Dirgin, like much of East Texas, consisted of large cotton plantations worked by slaves. In 1865, when the Civil War ended, Union soldiers entered Texas for the first time. The slaves were freed, and some masters sold or gave them land.Ida Finley says "Old Man Martin," the master, gave her husband's parents more than 100 acres. Luminant says its records show the family bought the land from two Confederate Army veterans. Either way, sometime in the late 1880s, the Finleys came to own land in Dirgin. Living alongside them were other former slave families: the Menefees, Humphreys, Petersons, Barrs and Reeses among them.When those Finleys — Dick and Puss — died, they left no will,クロエ 財布 新作, and the parcel was evenly divided among their five children, including Ida's husband, Adolphus.

Ida and Adolphus lived in a small white house with a front porch and a backyard dotted with fruit trees and a basketball hoop. After the crops were harvested, the children played baseball in the cleared fields. On Sundays, they went to church — either in a wagon or by foot."It was the best of times,クロエ 財布 新作 2013," said Jacquelin Finley, who went to live with her grandparents in the early 1960s, when she was a baby.In the 1970s,クロエ バッグ 新作, life changed.Just as Jacquelin Finley was bused from Mayflower Elementary to a newly desegregated school in nearby Tatum, Luminant's predecessor moved into the area. It had its eye on a multimillion-dollar prize hidden deep beneath the green grass and pine trees: a low grade of coal known as lignite. To profit from it, the company had to uproot trees and build a power plant.The company bought land. Ida Finley remembers the pressure applied on her husband, who finally sold 9.5 acres for $1,000 — the equivalent today of just over $4,300.Feeling duped, he spent his final years sitting on his front porch gazing bitterly at the nearby reservoir that had flooded his land. Barely two years later, he died."That bothered him all those years until he died," Jacquelin Finley said. "That's my anger. Do I have a right to be angry? Yes. I want to see them go down."Life went on, though. The power plant was built. People moved away. The church congregations shrunk. Some of the Finleys remained, including Ida and Jacquelin. The crops were gone,2013クロエ 財布, but Ida's little white house bustled.Then, about three years ago, Luminant came knocking. The company needed to expand the mine to meet Texas' growing energy demands.

The company said that because Ida's husband died without a will, their children owned the land, and they had sold it to Luminant.Under Texas law, when a landowner dies without a will, a surviving spouse receives the right to live on part of the land, but ownership passes to blood relatives, usually children.Ida Finley, Luminant said, owned only the house, its porch now hanging forlornly near overgrown weeds, the steps broken and rotting. The quaint siding is broken and cracked. Looters scattered pictures, stuffed animals, Christmas ornaments,クロエトートバッグ, letters, shoes and clothing across the dusty floor, making off with more valuable items, like a refrigerator. Luminant says it offered Ida money for the home, but she declined.Jacquelin Finley said Sunday that initially the company only offered her a new trailer but in recent days, through her mother, also offered an acre of land. Luminant denies that account, saying she only owns the trailer she lives in and that the company offered her a new trailer and an acre elsewhere toward the beginning of the negotiations. Either way, Jacquelin has declined to accept it, and doesn't want to move. And for now Luminant can't force her.Looking recently at the dirt patch and pile of rubble that remains of the Methodist church she attended as a child, Jacquelin said Luminant would have to give her at least $1 million to leave — enough, she estimates, to fix her grandmother's house and care for her there."It's like I'm going against the world, and they're the world because they own everything," she said.

Caught in that triangle are the workers. The median hourly wage for a fast-food cook last year was $9, up from about $7 a decade ago, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics. But many workers make the federal minimum wage, which was last raised in 2009. At $7.25 an hour, that's about $15,000 a year, assuming a 40-hour workweek. It's well less than half of the median salary of an American worker.The protests come as President Obama has called for an increase of the federal minimum wage to $9 an hour,クロエ 公式販売店, with some members of Congress and economists calling for a hike as well. And the fast-food workers movement is getting financial support as well as training from organizers of the Service Employees International Union, which represents more than 2 million workers.Workers protesting in cities including New York, Chicago and Detroit, are pushing for $15 an hour, which would mean wages of $31,000 a year. But the figure is seen as more of a rallying point and many say they'd be happy with even a few bucks more."Anything to make it more reasonable," says Jamal Harris, 21, who earns $7.40 an hour working at three different fast-food restaurants around Detroit — a Burger King, a Long John Silver's and a Checkers — because he's never sure how many hours he'll get at any one job.The same is true for Robert Wilson, a 25-year-old McDonald's employee in Chicago. "It was never a consistent check," said Wilson, who lives with his mother and brother who also work at the restaurant.

Wilson says he was given one 10-cent raise in the past four years. That brings his pay up to $8.60 an hour after seven years working at the restaurant.Low wages and a lack of benefits for workers aren't anything new in the fast-food industry, of course. It's why "McJob" has been a pejorative term for so long. What's changing now is that such jobs are playing a bigger role in the U.S. economy, bringing the fast-food protests closer to home for many.Nearly 70 percent of the jobs gained since the recession ended have been in low-paying industries such as fast-food or retail. That's even though half of the jobs lost during the Great Recession were in industries that pay between $38,000 and $68,000 a year.Currently, the median annual wage for all U.S. full-time wage and salary workers is about $40,350, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics. That's based on weekly earnings of $776.The tilt toward low-wage jobs is what makes it so critical for fast-food and retail jobs to provide better pay, says Robert Reich, an advocate for workers who served as Labor Secretary in the Clinton administration. "It's impossible for the economy to run on all four cylinders unless consumers have enough purchasing power to keep the economy going," he said.Still, raising wages for fast-food jobs means figuring out where the money would come from.

More than 90 percent of McDonald's and Burger King locations in the U.S. are owned by franchisees who say they have to worry about making rent, buying supplies, paying workers and shelling out royalties and fees to their parent company for use of their name and brand. Franchisees say they have to do this while trying to eke out a profit on the super-cheap menu items that customers have come to expect.Franchisees say their profit margins are thin — they make 4 cents to 6 cents on average for every dollar they take in — and that they can't afford to hike pay, particularly at a time when companies are trumpeting value menus amid heightened competition.Kathryn Slater-Carter, who owns two McDonald's in California, said that what franchisees can pay workers depends "on what money you've got left after all (the company's) interference."Slater-Carter said that in addition to emphasizing low prices, the company has been putting more costs onto franchisees for things such as software licenses and service contracts for restaurant equipment.Prices for food ingredients are volatile and insurance and other costs are rising, too, meaning labor is one of the few costs franchisees can control. It's why franchisees often keep hourly wages as low as possible or try to avoid paying overtime, some franchisees and union organizers say.

Not that some franchisees don't pay workers more.Aslam Khan, chief executive of Falcon Holdings, which owns 165 Church's Chicken and 44 Long John Silver's locations, says his employees start at between $8 and $8.50 an hour. To keep the best, experienced workers, he pays $10 to $13 per hour.He recognizes that's still not much. "These days the whole family has to work to support the family. In order to put bread on the table, you have to do whatever," he said.Over the past three years, Khan said that his profit margins have declined from 5 percent to 1 percent as food and other costs have climbed and menu prices remained flat.Many labor groups point to the profits of the fast-food companies — and the pay packages of their CEOs — when trying to assign blame for low wages for workers.Last year, the five big publicly traded fast-food companies together earned 16 cents in profit for every dollar of revenue. That's 73 percent better than the average big U.S. company, according to FactSet research firm. And that compares with earnings of 4 cents for every dollar of revenue made by discount retailers Wal-Mart and Target, which also have come under fire for not paying workers enough.

McDonald's, the world's biggest burger chain, for example, reported a profit of $5.5 billion last year on $27.6 billion in sales. CEO Don Thompson got a pay package worth $13.8 million.Still,クロエバッグ 人気, publicly traded companies are under pressure from shareholders and creditors to maintain or improve profits; even a slight change from quarter to quarter can send stock prices moving in either direction.In emailed statements, McDonald's and Burger King both said they don't determine wages for workers, noting that the vast majority of restaurants are run by franchisees. McDonald's also noted that it is "in the business of providing affordable,2013クロエ 財布, high quality food." The company said that raising entry-level wages would mean higher overall costs, which could result in higher prices on menus."That would potentially have a negative impact on employment and business growth in our restaurants, as well as on value for our customers," the company said.Representatives for Wendy's and Yum Brands Inc., which owns KFC, Taco Bell and Pizza Hut,クロエ バッグ 新作, didn't respond to a request for comment.Labor organizers dismiss the idea that companies can't influence worker pay. They say companies have near total control of every other aspect of operations through their strict franchise agreements, down to which napkins, ketchup and computer systems are used, as well as the prices that are charged for food."Corporations try to insulate themselves legally and morally by dictating everything but working conditions," says Stephen Lerner, a longtime union organizer.

If franchisees and companies can't, or won't, pay more, that leaves the people who buy fast food. "This all comes back to the consumer," says Adams, the former McDonald's franchisee turned consultant.Although many Americans say they support higher wages for workers, the reality is that people flock to the cheapest meals, which cut into profits. It's why fast-food chains have been stepping up deals and promotions in the weak economy.If prices went up noticeably at McDonald's, for example, 23-year-old Eugene Santos said he would probably find someplace else to eat."That's probably one of the reasons why it's a quick stop for a lot of people. They enjoy the convenience and affordability," said Santos, a self-employed resident of Providence, R.I., who was eating at a McDonald's recently.Workers themselves also share the blame.The weak job market tilts the power in favor of employers, who can easily find replacements who are willing to work for low pay. That means the ability to keep up demonstrations that capture public attention is critical.Yet organizing workers has been notoriously difficult in the fast-food industry, given the high turnover rates and ranks of younger workers who see the jobs as temporary gigs.

Consider the series of protests over the past several months that began last November in New York. Despite the widespread media attention, the turnout has been mixed and it's not clear what impact, if any, they've had on business.When the demonstrations arrived in St. Louis, for example, organizer Rev. Martin Rafanan said about 100 workers and supporters protested at around 30 locations. That meant they were spread relatively thin, and no stores had to shut down as a result. There's been greater support in other cities including Seattle, where protests ended up temporarily closing down a Burger King and other stores, according to local reports.But even in New York City where the protests have delivered the biggest turnouts, it hasn't necessarily translated to broader awareness among customers. Shortly after about 400 protesters targeted a McDonald's by the Empire State Building this past week, for example, business appeared normal and some customers inside said they weren't aware of the demonstration. The same was true at a McDonald's a few blocks away.Garrett Mattson, a 24-year-old from Warren, R.I. started working at McDonald's when he was in college and stayed on after graduation because he couldn't find another job. He earns $7.75 an hour.He said he would probably support the effort to raise pay if it came to the restaurant where he works. But even though the job is important to him now, he doesn't consider it a career path."I don't see myself there when I'm 30,クロエ 財布 新作," he said.