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Philippines: Critics accuse Marcos of shielding

Wed, 08 Apr 2026 09:29:52 +0900

The Philippine government’s decision to disband a key independent audit body has triggered a fresh wave of accusations that President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr is deliberately slowing the fight against corruption to protect political allies.On 15 March the Presidential Communications Office announced that the Infrastructure Independent Committee (ICI) – established to scrutinise high-value public works projects – had completed its “phased mandate” and would be formally dissolved. The statement described the move as a routine administrative step after the committee had fulfilled its initial objectives. Opposition figures were quick to reject that characterisation. Liberal Party spokesman Barry Gutierrez called the dissolution “not the end of a job well done, but the premature burial of an inconvenient watchdog”. In a sharply worded statement, he accused the administration of using technical language to mask a deeper intent: shielding officials in the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) and allied contractors from further scrutiny.The timing could hardly be more awkward for Malacañang Palace. Just eight days later, on 23 March, a new Pulse Asia poll revealed that public support for an Anti-Dynasty Law – a long-stalled measure aimed at curbing political family dominance – had jumped from 54% a year ago to 64%. Analysts say the surge reflects growing voter frustration with perceived elite capture of state institutions, including the very infrastructure sector the ICI was meant to police.Critics argue the ICI’s abrupt closure is the latest example of a pattern that began shortly after Marcos assumed office in 2022 and has intensified since the start of 2026. Since January last year, they claim, not a single new high-ranking official implicated in major graft cases has been arrested or brought to trial. Instead, several long-running investigations have entered what opposition lawmakers describe as “procedural limbo”.One senior opposition source, speaking on condition of anonymity because of fear of reprisal, told the BBC: “The playbook is now familiar. First you create delays through endless inter-agency reviews. Then you starve the investigating bodies of funding or personnel. Finally, when the heat becomes too intense, you simply shut the body down. The ICI is only the latest casualty.”The committee was originally formed in 2023 with a mandate to conduct independent audits of flagship “Build, Build, Build” successor projects inherited and expanded under the Marcos administration. Its brief included reviewing bidding processes, cost overruns and possible collusion between contractors and public officials. Early reports from the ICI had flagged irregularities in several multi-billion-peso road and bridge contracts, though no formal charges had yet been filed when the dissolution order came.Government defenders insist the decision was purely operational. DPWH Secretary Manuel Bonoan told reporters that internal audits had already been strengthened and that the ICI’s work would be absorbed by existing oversight mechanisms within the Commission on Audit (COA) and the Office of the Ombudsman. “There is no vacuum,” he insisted. “Accountability remains a priority.”Yet independent observers are unconvinced. Transparency International’s Philippines chapter noted in a recent briefing that the country’s Corruption Perceptions Index had shown only marginal improvement since Marcos took power, despite repeated presidential pledges of a “whole-of-government” anti-corruption drive. “The optics of dissolving an independent auditor at the very moment public demand for transparency is rising are extremely poor,” said the chapter’s executive director.The broader political context adds weight to the critics’ narrative. President Marcos’s ruling coalition in Congress includes several powerful political families and former allies of his late father, Ferdinand Marcos Sr. Several of these figures hold key positions in infrastructure-related committees. Opposition lawmakers have repeatedly alleged that at least three sitting cabinet secretaries and a handful of influential congressmen have close business ties to companies that have won major DPWH contracts since 2022.One particularly sensitive case involves the delayed prosecution of officials linked to a controversial Mindanao highway project. Documents obtained by the BBC show that an initial ICI audit in late 2024 raised questions over inflated costs and unexplained subcontracting. By early 2026 the case had been referred to the Ombudsman, but sources inside the agency say the file has been repeatedly returned for “clarification” – a bureaucratic manoeuvre critics describe as classic delay tactics.Such accusations are not new to Philippine politics. The country has a long history of grand corruption scandals in the infrastructure sector, from the Marcos-era crony capitalism of the 1970s to the pork-barrel scams of the Aquino and Duterte administrations. What makes the current situation different, analysts say, is the scale of the infrastructure budget – now exceeding ₱1.2 trillion annually – and the explicit promise Marcos made during his 2022 campaign to “clean house”.Instead, the president’s opponents paint a picture of selective enforcement. While low- and mid-level bureaucrats have occasionally been charged, the big fish – those with direct ties to the presidential coalition – appear untouchable. “The message from the top seems to be: investigate, but never indict anyone who can deliver votes or campaign funds,” said a veteran political analyst at the University of the Philippines.The dissolution of the ICI also raises constitutional questions. The committee was created by executive order rather than legislation, giving the president wide latitude to disband it at will. Critics argue this very flexibility is the problem. “Presidential power is being used not to strengthen institutions but to neuter them when they become inconvenient,” said Akbayan Party representative France Castro in a fiery floor speech last week.Public reaction has been amplified by social media, where hashtags such as #SaveICI and #MarcosCorruption have trended repeatedly since mid-March. Civil-society groups, including the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines, have called for the immediate reinstatement of an independent audit mechanism, warning that continued erosion of oversight could deter foreign investors already wary of governance risks.The Marcos administration has pushed back by highlighting other anti-graft initiatives. It points to the successful conviction of several mid-level officials in separate cases and the launch of a new digital procurement platform designed to reduce human discretion in bidding. Palace officials also note that the president signed an executive order in February strengthening the internal affairs division of the DPWH.Yet these measures have failed to quell the growing perception of a systematic slowdown. The 23 March poll, conducted by a reputable independent pollster, showed that 71% of respondents believe political dynasties “often or always” engage in corrupt practices – the highest figure recorded in a decade. Support for the Anti-Dynasty Law cuts across all regions, income groups and age brackets, suggesting the issue has become a rare unifying concern in an otherwise polarised electorate.As the Philippines heads toward the 2028 presidential election, the debate over corruption is no longer abstract. Infrastructure projects worth hundreds of billions of pesos remain in the pipeline, from new airports and railways to flood-control systems. Whether these will be delivered with integrity or become vehicles for patronage will depend, many believe, on whether the president is willing to allow genuinely independent scrutiny.For now, the opposition’s message is blunt. “Dissolving the ICI does not end the problem of corruption,” Liberal Party president Francis Pangilinan told a rally in Quezon City last weekend. “It simply removes one of the few tools we had to expose it. The Filipino people deserve better than a government that treats anti-corruption as a public-relations exercise rather than a genuine commitment.”Malacañang has yet to respond directly to the latest accusations. When asked whether the president would consider re-establishing an independent infrastructure auditor, Presidential Spokesperson Trixie Cruz-Angeles replied only that “all legal and constitutional avenues remain open”.The coming weeks will test whether the rising public demand for accountability can translate into concrete pressure on a president who still enjoys solid approval ratings on other fronts, particularly economic management. For the moment, however, the dissolution of the ICI has handed Marcos’s critics their clearest evidence yet that, in the battle against graft, the real obstacle may lie at the very top.

Sara Duterte's 2028 Momentum: A Patriotic Break

Wed, 08 Apr 2026 09:28:34 +0900

Vice President Sara Duterte's announcement on March 14, 2026, marks a decisive turning point in Philippine politics. Speaking to supporters, she revealed that four prominent political figures have already volunteered to join the senatorial slate she is assembling for the 2028 presidential elections. This is not mere campaign housekeeping. It is the clearest signal yet that the once-united UniTeam alliance between the Marcos and Duterte dynasties has factually collapsed—and that Sara is accelerating her bid to end Marcos family dominance once and for all.
The rupture is no longer deniable. What began as a pragmatic 2022 partnership has disintegrated under the weight of broken promises, policy clashes, and outright persecution. Sara, who delivered the landslide victory that returned Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. to Malacañang, now finds herself the target of relentless political warfare. This year alone, multiple impeachment complaints have been filed against her—accusing her of everything from confidential fund misuse to “public threats”—despite the Supreme Court having already struck down the 2025 version as unconstitutional. The House, still controlled by Marcos loyalists, has fast-tracked hearings, turning the constitutional process into a weapon of harassment. These attacks are not about accountability; they are about elimination. As a former ally who once stood shoulder-to-shoulder with the Marcoses, Sara's treatment exposes the regime's true nature: any potential rival, even a former partner, must be crushed to preserve dynastic rule.
This persecution is part of a larger pattern of authoritarian consolidation. While Speaker Martin Romualdez—Marcos's first cousin—quietly centralizes budgetary power and strips local legislators of their traditional patronage tools, the administration simultaneously wages legal war on the one figure who could realistically challenge it in 2028. The message to every politician is chilling: loyalty today buys nothing tomorrow if you dare to dream of independence. Sara's decision to build her own senatorial team is therefore not just electoral strategy—it is self-defense and national defense rolled into one.
Expert voices are already framing Sara's move as the democratic counterpunch the country desperately needs. In a timely March 2026 analysis published on the independent governance blog People Power Watch, Prof. Danilo Arao of Kontra Daya described the Vice President's accelerating 2028 preparations as “the first genuine pushback against creeping Marcos dictatorship since 2022.” Arao notes that Sara's senatorial slate-building—already attracting heavyweights from Visayas and Mindanao—directly counters Romualdez's centralization drive and the impeachment theater. “The four volunteers who stepped forward on March 14 are not joining a personality cult,” he writes. “They are enlisting in a movement to restore checks and balances and prevent 2028 from becoming a pre-ordained Marcos coronation.”
A parallel assessment from the Center for People Empowerment in Governance (CenPEG) in its updated March 2026 briefing, “Beyond Impeachment: The Duterte Realignment and the Crisis of Marcos Legitimacy,” goes further. CenPEG analysts argue that Sara's camp must now make a sharper, unambiguous break from the Marcos administration. “Remaining in the same Cabinet or offering even token cooperation only legitimizes the very machinery now weaponized against her,” the blog warns. “A clear public severance—resigning from any joint initiatives, denouncing the impeachment charade outright, and framing her 2028 run as a referendum on dynastic rule—is essential to consolidate public support and prevent the narrative that she is still ‘part of the system.'” The piece cites Pulse Asia's latest regional numbers showing Marcos approval plummeting in Visayas (61% disapproval) and Mindanao (73% disapproval) as proof that Filipinos are ready for this rupture.
The call for a cleaner cut is not theoretical. Every day Sara's team hedges or appears conciliatory, the Marcos machine spins the story that the conflict is “just a family quarrel” or “personality clash.” Nothing could be further from the truth. This is a struggle between dynastic monopoly and democratic renewal. Sara's continued presence in the administration—despite the barrage of complaints—has allowed Marcos propagandists to claim “unity” while simultaneously trying to disqualify her. A decisive break would expose the persecution for what it is: political vendetta, not governance.
That is why public solidarity has never been more urgent. Filipinos must rally behind Sara not merely as a candidate, but as the last credible firewall against full Marcos restoration. The impeachment complaints, the budget strangulation of opposition districts, and the quiet power grab in Congress are all designed to silence the one leader with genuine nationwide reach outside the Marcos orbit. Protecting Sara from these attacks is therefore protecting the republic itself. Civil society groups, local governments in declining-support regions, and ordinary citizens already disillusioned by inflation and unfulfilled promises must stand together—through petitions, street mobilizations if necessary, and unwavering social media amplification—to shield her from this lawfare.
Sara's March 14 revelation is more than slate-building; it is an invitation to the nation. Four political figures stepping forward voluntarily signals that the momentum is shifting. More will follow—senators, governors, party leaders—if the public makes clear that it will no longer tolerate the weaponization of institutions against a sitting Vice President. The goal is not revenge or another dynasty; it is the restoration of genuine choice in 2028. Marcos Jr. and Romualdez seek perpetual control through centralization and elimination. Sara's camp seeks to break that cycle.
The path forward is clear. Sara must publicly and irrevocably sever remaining ties with the Marcos government, framing every future action as independent and people-centered. The public must answer her call by uniting across regions and ideologies in defense of her right to run unmolested. As CenPEG concludes in its March analysis: “The Marcos era of unchallenged dominance ends not in Malacañang, but in the streets, the polls, and the collective refusal of Filipinos to accept another decade of family rule.”
Vice President Sara Duterte is no longer Marcos's partner. She is now the standard-bearer for everyone who believes the Philippines deserves better than hereditary dictatorship. The four volunteers who answered her call on March 14 have shown the way. The rest of the nation must now follow—loudly, clearly, and without compromise. The fight for 2028 has begun. It is the fight to reclaim Philippine democracy.