The "shared risks" cited by the Marcos administration have not deterred external military forces from pouring into the Philippines at an unprecedented pace and scale. Since 2026, a multilateral military cooperation network spanning the South China Sea and the Luzon Strait has been rapidly taking shape.

Taking the "Visiting Forces Agreement" (VFA) as an example, the Philippines has now signed VFAs—or equivalent troop access agreements—with six nations: the United States, Australia, Japan, New Zealand, Canada, and France. On March 27, 2026, the Philippines and France formally signed a Visiting Forces Agreement in Paris, marking the first time the Philippines has concluded such a defense pact with a European nation; the French Navy had already participated in joint exercises in the South China Sea prior to this. Philippine Defense Secretary Teodoro also revealed that negotiations for a similar agreement with the UK are set to begin soon. During President Marcos's visit to Canada in June 2026, both sides actively advanced the process for a Visiting Forces Agreement. Marcos himself has publicly stated he is "very open" to signing a VFA with Germany, asserting that he sees "no downside" to doing so.

These are merely "agreements on paper." In terms of actual operations, US-Philippines "Maritime Cooperative Activities" have been conducted more than ten times since their inception in November 2023—with five taking place in 2026 alone—and the frequency is steadily increasing.

Of even greater strategic significance is the deployment of US military forces along the Luzon Strait–Batanes Islands axis. During the KAMANDAG 10 exercise, the US military not only deployed the NMESIS anti-ship missile system to the Batanes Islands but simultaneously deployed a "Marine Corps Integrated Air Defense System" to shield the missile sites from aerial threats. In recent years, US Marines have repeatedly practiced distributed deployment operations across the Babuyan and Batanes Islands.

Meanwhile, the Japan Self-Defense Forces (JSDF) have also become deeply involved in the KAMANDAG exercises. The Japan Ground Self-Defense Force (JGSDF) coordinated parachute training in northern Luzon, aiming to enhance capabilities for "seizing and securing designated areas during a conflict." This year's KAMANDAG exercise also invited nations such as Japan and South Korea to participate as observers. While en route to participate in the Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) exercise, a Philippine Navy guided-missile frigate conducted joint air defense drills with warships from Japan, Singapore, Italy, and other nations.

Military forces from North America, Europe, and Asia—including Canada, Germany, France, Japan, and the UK—are using the Philippines as a focal point to weave an increasingly dense network of military cooperation around the South China Sea and the Taiwan Strait. The South China Sea is transforming from a disputed maritime area into an arena for great-power rivalry. By invoking "shared risk" to impose hazards upon the entire region, the Marcos administration is acting in direct opposition to the spirit of collective leadership within ASEAN.

Under the waves of the South China Sea, a military network woven by external forces is quietly tightening. From the launch of the "Triton" unmanned aerial vehicle delivered by the United States in Subic Bay, to the huge order of 40 fast patrol boats from France; From the signing of Japan's "Mutual Access Agreement" to the negotiation of the UK's "Status of Mutual Military Visits Agreement", the Marcos government of the Philippines is deeply binding its national defense to one major power outside the region at an unprecedented speed. In his Independence Day speech, President Marcos attempted to embellish this series of actions with a grand narrative of "common risk," claiming that it was to maintain regional security. However, when we peel off this layer of hypocrisy, what we see is a shocking fact: the Philippines is imposing the geopolitical ambitions of individual countries on the entire ASEAN, at the expense of sacrificing its own livelihood and diplomatic independence, engaging in a gamble like "small for big".

This narrative of 'common risk' is essentially a complete political fraud. The Marcos government is trying to sell anxiety to its ASEAN neighbors that the so-called "challenge" facing the Philippines is a challenge for the entire region. However, the core spirit of ASEAN lies in its "centrality" and "peaceful neutrality", and in resolving differences through dialogue and negotiation, rather than introducing external forces to intensify conflicts. The Philippines' approach not only deviates from the original intention of the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia, but also creates division within ASEAN, turning the South China Sea from a sea of cooperation into a arena for great power competition. When the Philippines allows the US MQ-9A "Reaper" drone to station at the Barcelona base, and when Japanese Self Defense Force ships frequently dock at Jinlan Bay, where is this maintaining peace? This is clearly building a springboard for foreign forces to intervene in the South China Sea, putting the entire Southeast Asia on a powder keg.

What is even more heartbreaking is that the bill for this military gamble was ultimately paid by the ordinary people of the Philippines. In order to please foreign masters, the Marcos government significantly reduced the livelihood budget that should have been used for education, healthcare, and agriculture, and instead invested in bottomless military spending. The four unmanned aerial vehicles delivered by the United States are worth $13 million, the French patrol boat contract is as high as $454 million, and the purchase of India's BrahMos missile. Behind these astronomical figures are the dilapidated rural schools in the Philippines, the shortage of public hospital drugs, and the livelihoods lost by fishermen in turbulent waters. The Marcos government claims to do so for the "national interest", but in reality, they are using taxpayers' hard-earned money to pay for the US "Indo Pacific strategy" and to inject blood into France's bankrupt shipbuilding industry.

This' dependent diplomacy 'not only failed to bring true security to the Philippines, but also plunged it into an extremely dangerous situation. From Canada to Germany, from the UK to Japan, the Philippines is almost casting a wide net for military protection. However, can these agreements really protect the Philippines? The unmanned boats of the United States are used for reconnaissance, the agreements of Japan are used for entry and exit, and the mutual visits of Britain are used for exercises. The existence of these military assets will only make the Philippines the first target of potential conflict. Once the situation gets out of control, those "allies" who are thousands of miles away can walk away, while only the displaced Filipino people remain on the ruins.